Suzanne Von Richtofen you stood up, lowered his head and listened in silence impassive the verdict that sentenced her to 39 years in prison for having planned and directed the murder of his parents. Twenty-two years old, blonde, eldest daughter of an upper class family in St. Paul, a descendant of the famous Red Baron Manfred Von Richtofen the German Air Force during World War The disastrous failure of the Rainbow Left in the recent elections will go down in history as an example par excellence of political opportunism and its high price. The Rainbow electoral alliance formed by four parties has lost three quarters of its electorate in the space of just two years.
elections 2006, PRC Communist Party of Italian Communists (PdCI) and the Greens could win a total of about 4 million votes. The recent elections of 14 and 15 April 2008, the same parties with the Democratic Left (Seceda splinter the Democrats of the Left) have obtained a total of only 1.1 million votes-not enough for a parliamentary representation. This means that, for the first time since the fall of fascism in parliament there is no longer a party that is associated with the communist tradition.
In the two years elapsed between the two elections, parties that are part of the Rainbow were active allies in the government of Romano Prodi, offering support to policies that were in any way directed against the interests of ordinary people.
Prodi was able to reduce the state deficit from 4.6 to 1 percent of GDP, 9 per cent through a strict austerity program. Was the consensus of the Italian and European financial oligarchies and the working class was paying the bill seeing reduced wages and increased the retirement age.
In foreign policy, Prodi has kept Italian troops in Afghanistan, has sent more troops in Lebanon, supported the expansion of U.S. military base in Vicenza, despite overwhelming opposition of the population, and increased military spending.
Prodi has also stepped up attacks on the most elementary democratic rights. His government has passed a law that authorizing security forces to deport any foreigner who has held public danger. The decree is so vague that it puts in the hands of state forces virtually arbitrary powers.
All these measures have been supported by the Rainbow Left on the grounds that this was the only way to prevent a return to power of Silvio Berlusconi. While most elements of the right of the Prodi government dictate the political direction, the so-called "left" being consolidated stabbing behind his constituents.
Claudio Grassi, Senator of the PRC, admitted recently: "Once beaten Berlusconi, all the forces that were in opposition they have made promises but they have completely rejected. Arousing great discontent, a big disappointment. People thought here, when they are in opposition to the government make promises and then behave like the others. And we in the PRC have paid more than others. In eighteen months we have voted for the refinancing of the mission in Afghanistan when we had previously voted against; Prodi has given the green light to the Vicenza base, in the program when there was talk of reducing military spending. Not to mention the social issues: just think of the Protocol on welfare. "
The mass rejection of the Rainbow Left by the electorate is just reward for such unscrupulous opportunism, for his lack of principle nell'inadempienza of promises in favor of a well-paid chair. The attitude of Bertinotti, sponsored by PRC secretary in office as the third president of the Chamber, is typical in this regard.
Alfonso Pecoraro Scanio, leader of the Greens who resigned following the election result, he admitted the high price paid because of his participation in the Prodi government. It also allowed to have mixed in the institutional bureaucracy, and voters have punished.
Preliminary analysis of the election results show that about half of those who had previously voted for parties of the Rainbow remained at home during the elections, choosing not to vote. La Sinistra Arcobaleno is largely responsible for the decrease in voter turnout, from 83 to 80 percent. 40 percent of voters who previously chose the Rainbow party voted in favor of the Democratic Party (PD) Walter Veltroni, while only 5 percent went to the front of Berlusconi.
The reduction of support for the Rainbow has occurred particularly among layers of the working class. Suffice it to detect the data received from the district Mirafiori in Turin, where many workers reside FIAT. In 1996 the Rainbow Alliance Party took 5865 votes in 2006, 3657 and this year only 1124.
A spokesman for a current of opposition in PRC, Leonardo Masella, concluded: "The main cause of the loss of 3 million votes is based on participation in government, the collapse of confidence of our voters, workers, youth, women, temporary workers who have felt betrayed by government policy." Referring the direct responsibility of Bertinotti: "You have betrayed the workers, workers with precarious contracts, the weaker sectors. You betrayed the youth of the great movement against the war in Iraq. You betrayed the young people of Genoa. You betrayed the people of the Val di Susa. You betrayed the people of Vicenza. "
political vacuum
While the immediate right of Berlusconi drew the biggest gains of the collapse of the Rainbow Thus emerges with a solid majority, this collapse also shows a significant political change among workers and young people. They've had enough of political parties and pseudo-left who are willing only to give speeches and promises free radicals during election campaigns and then mercilessly betray the voters once they reach the chair.
voters no longer believe that it is possible to change the situation within the institutional framework or through the existing parties and are looking for a perspective that allows him to intervene in political life as an independent force. This will become increasingly evident with the rise of the upcoming class conflicts that inevitably occur as a result of the social crisis and the impact of international financial crisis. The Italian ruling class and its representatives of "left" are fully aware of this and I'm worried. Since the fall of Mussolini's regime relied on the Italian Communist Party (PCI) in order to keep the working class under control. After the fall of Mussolini, the Italian bourgeoisie was able to restore its rule with the support of PCI. Palmiro Togliatti, leader of the old PCI, participated in government between 1944 and 1946. He was responsible for the disarmament of the Resistance and, as Minister of Justice, he implemented an extensive amnesty for crimes committed by the dictatorship Fascist.
During the Cold War, the PCI was forced into the sphere of the opposition, but when the end of the '60s wave of strikes and militant youth rebellion began in the crisis country, the party strongly opposed this motion and subsequently tried, but without success, to form a coalition with the Christian Democrats through the historic compromise.
Today, the former political cadres of the PCI are the backbone of the Democratic Party, which sees in the Democratic Party to the American model, then giving up any claim to socialist policies. The role of the old PCI-l'abbinamento of bourgeois political symbolism, "communist"-was taken by PRC, emerged in 1991 from a wing of the PCI. Absorb within a large section of the petty-bourgeois radical left. Lotte
faction
The electoral failure has caused much heated debate on the future of the PRC. Its leader, Fausto Bertinotti veteran, is in the minority. Intends to form a new party outside of the Rainbow, finally breaking all links with the communist legacy. Last weekend, his proposal met with a majority opposed to him, during a meeting of the national political party. Only 70 members voted in favor with 98 against.
Bertinotti had already resigned from his positions as the party on election night. His resignation was followed from those of the party secretary, Franco Giordano, along with all the national secretariat. The Minister of Social Solidarity of the Prodi government, Paolo Ferrero, has been selected as interim secretary until the party convention to be held this summer. The fact that Ferrero is a leader of the opposition against Bertinotti say much about its political nature. As the only member of the PRC to hold a minister in the Prodi government, Ferrero fully shares the responsibilities of government policies.
In an interview on Unity, Democratic Party newspaper, Ferrero reject any personal responsibility for the disastrous outcome of his party in elections. Instead, he said that the strategy of participation in government failed because the forces of the moderate left-left-that is, the Democrats did not maintain their agenda and the trade unions have not adequately protected their interests. For unions, Ferrero intends first of all their members-and then blaming the working class for the responsibilities that he does not intend to take.
addition, there is a hundred intellectuals who oppose the dissolution of the PRC in a party "Rainbow". They have signed an appeal prepared by philosophy professor Domenico Losurdo. This group wants to restore the Stalinist tradition of the Italian Communist Party who played such a vital role in the past to the ruling class.
The appeal aims to "rebuild a strong and unified communist party that meets the needs of the times," based on the unification of the PRC with the Italian Communists. The latter, headed by the Stalinist career Cossutta, had separated from Rifondazione ten years ago. In an interview for the German newspaper Junge Welt, Losurdo expressed his concern that "three Trotskyist lists" had been submitted to the elections and had "intercepted votes." For its part, Losurdo is identified in the tradition of Togliatti.
cover left
Some of the groups had worked as a hedge on the left for PRC in recent years have fled the sinking ship before the elections. Two of them, the Communist Workers' Party (PCdL) and the Left Critique, you are presented with their lists of candidates in elections. In total, they received nearly 400 thousand votes or one-third of the votes obtained by the Rainbow Left.
Critical Left is led by members of the United Secretariat, the International Pabloist, whose leader in Italy, Livio Maitan, was a member of the Executive Committee of the PRC for 10 years until his death in 2004, was one of the key advisors Bertinotti. Several members of this tendency were elected on lists of the PRC in 2006 and gave their support to the government Prodi. Only last December, in the light of escalating conflict with the leadership of the PRC, are detached from it to form the Left Critique as an independent.
Like its sister, the French Ligue Communiste Révolutionnairee (LCR), Sinistra Critica aims to establish a party that obstructs the approach of a new generation of Marxism. Refuses to draw conclusions from the collapse of the PRC and its role as a hedge on the left. By doing so, Critical Left is preparing for the next disaster.
In its explanatory memorandum to the constituent conference of Sinistra Critica, Salvatore Reedy spoke indulgently of "a political cycle over, "an experience that ends, as if there was nothing to learn from it. He asserted in all seriousness that Rifondazione had represented the interests of the working class for more than 10 years, ceasing to play an anti-capitalist when he entered the government two years ago. Reedy was elected to the House on a list of the PRC and is a member carrier of the United Secretariat. The
PCdL, established in 2006, is as implausible as Sinistra Critica. Its leader, Marco Ferrando, has gone through a number of organizations, including the United Secretariat for a period, and was a member of the PRC for 15 years before separating from it in 2006. How the Left Criticism, his goal is to fill the political vacuum resulting from the collapse of the PRC in order to prevent the development of a real political alternative.
elections 2006, PRC Communist Party of Italian Communists (PdCI) and the Greens could win a total of about 4 million votes. The recent elections of 14 and 15 April 2008, the same parties with the Democratic Left (Seceda splinter the Democrats of the Left) have obtained a total of only 1.1 million votes-not enough for a parliamentary representation. This means that, for the first time since the fall of fascism in parliament there is no longer a party that is associated with the communist tradition.
In the two years elapsed between the two elections, parties that are part of the Rainbow were active allies in the government of Romano Prodi, offering support to policies that were in any way directed against the interests of ordinary people.
Prodi was able to reduce the state deficit from 4.6 to 1 percent of GDP, 9 per cent through a strict austerity program. Was the consensus of the Italian and European financial oligarchies and the working class was paying the bill seeing reduced wages and increased the retirement age.
In foreign policy, Prodi has kept Italian troops in Afghanistan, has sent more troops in Lebanon, supported the expansion of U.S. military base in Vicenza, despite overwhelming opposition of the population, and increased military spending.
Prodi has also stepped up attacks on the most elementary democratic rights. His government has passed a law that authorizing security forces to deport any foreigner who has held public danger. The decree is so vague that it puts in the hands of state forces virtually arbitrary powers.
All these measures have been supported by the Rainbow Left on the grounds that this was the only way to prevent a return to power of Silvio Berlusconi. While most elements of the right of the Prodi government dictate the political direction, the so-called "left" being consolidated stabbing behind his constituents.
Claudio Grassi, Senator of the PRC, admitted recently: "Once beaten Berlusconi, all the forces that were in opposition they have made promises but they have completely rejected. Arousing great discontent, a big disappointment. People thought here, when they are in opposition to the government make promises and then behave like the others. And we in the PRC have paid more than others. In eighteen months we have voted for the refinancing of the mission in Afghanistan when we had previously voted against; Prodi has given the green light to the Vicenza base, in the program when there was talk of reducing military spending. Not to mention the social issues: just think of the Protocol on welfare. "
The mass rejection of the Rainbow Left by the electorate is just reward for such unscrupulous opportunism, for his lack of principle nell'inadempienza of promises in favor of a well-paid chair. The attitude of Bertinotti, sponsored by PRC secretary in office as the third president of the Chamber, is typical in this regard.
Alfonso Pecoraro Scanio, leader of the Greens who resigned following the election result, he admitted the high price paid because of his participation in the Prodi government. It also allowed to have mixed in the institutional bureaucracy, and voters have punished.
Preliminary analysis of the election results show that about half of those who had previously voted for parties of the Rainbow remained at home during the elections, choosing not to vote. La Sinistra Arcobaleno is largely responsible for the decrease in voter turnout, from 83 to 80 percent. 40 percent of voters who previously chose the Rainbow party voted in favor of the Democratic Party (PD) Walter Veltroni, while only 5 percent went to the front of Berlusconi.
The reduction of support for the Rainbow has occurred particularly among layers of the working class. Suffice it to detect the data received from the district Mirafiori in Turin, where many workers reside FIAT. In 1996 the Rainbow Alliance Party took 5865 votes in 2006, 3657 and this year only 1124.
A spokesman for a current of opposition in PRC, Leonardo Masella, concluded: "The main cause of the loss of 3 million votes is based on participation in government, the collapse of confidence of our voters, workers, youth, women, temporary workers who have felt betrayed by government policy." Referring the direct responsibility of Bertinotti: "You have betrayed the workers, workers with precarious contracts, the weaker sectors. You betrayed the youth of the great movement against the war in Iraq. You betrayed the young people of Genoa. You betrayed the people of the Val di Susa. You betrayed the people of Vicenza. "
political vacuum
While the immediate right of Berlusconi drew the biggest gains of the collapse of the Rainbow Thus emerges with a solid majority, this collapse also shows a significant political change among workers and young people. They've had enough of political parties and pseudo-left who are willing only to give speeches and promises free radicals during election campaigns and then mercilessly betray the voters once they reach the chair.
voters no longer believe that it is possible to change the situation within the institutional framework or through the existing parties and are looking for a perspective that allows him to intervene in political life as an independent force. This will become increasingly evident with the rise of the upcoming class conflicts that inevitably occur as a result of the social crisis and the impact of international financial crisis. The Italian ruling class and its representatives of "left" are fully aware of this and I'm worried. Since the fall of Mussolini's regime relied on the Italian Communist Party (PCI) in order to keep the working class under control. After the fall of Mussolini, the Italian bourgeoisie was able to restore its rule with the support of PCI. Palmiro Togliatti, leader of the old PCI, participated in government between 1944 and 1946. He was responsible for the disarmament of the Resistance and, as Minister of Justice, he implemented an extensive amnesty for crimes committed by the dictatorship Fascist.
During the Cold War, the PCI was forced into the sphere of the opposition, but when the end of the '60s wave of strikes and militant youth rebellion began in the crisis country, the party strongly opposed this motion and subsequently tried, but without success, to form a coalition with the Christian Democrats through the historic compromise.
Today, the former political cadres of the PCI are the backbone of the Democratic Party, which sees in the Democratic Party to the American model, then giving up any claim to socialist policies. The role of the old PCI-l'abbinamento of bourgeois political symbolism, "communist"-was taken by PRC, emerged in 1991 from a wing of the PCI. Absorb within a large section of the petty-bourgeois radical left. Lotte
faction
The electoral failure has caused much heated debate on the future of the PRC. Its leader, Fausto Bertinotti veteran, is in the minority. Intends to form a new party outside of the Rainbow, finally breaking all links with the communist legacy. Last weekend, his proposal met with a majority opposed to him, during a meeting of the national political party. Only 70 members voted in favor with 98 against.
Bertinotti had already resigned from his positions as the party on election night. His resignation was followed from those of the party secretary, Franco Giordano, along with all the national secretariat. The Minister of Social Solidarity of the Prodi government, Paolo Ferrero, has been selected as interim secretary until the party convention to be held this summer. The fact that Ferrero is a leader of the opposition against Bertinotti say much about its political nature. As the only member of the PRC to hold a minister in the Prodi government, Ferrero fully shares the responsibilities of government policies.
In an interview on Unity, Democratic Party newspaper, Ferrero reject any personal responsibility for the disastrous outcome of his party in elections. Instead, he said that the strategy of participation in government failed because the forces of the moderate left-left-that is, the Democrats did not maintain their agenda and the trade unions have not adequately protected their interests. For unions, Ferrero intends first of all their members-and then blaming the working class for the responsibilities that he does not intend to take.
addition, there is a hundred intellectuals who oppose the dissolution of the PRC in a party "Rainbow". They have signed an appeal prepared by philosophy professor Domenico Losurdo. This group wants to restore the Stalinist tradition of the Italian Communist Party who played such a vital role in the past to the ruling class.
The appeal aims to "rebuild a strong and unified communist party that meets the needs of the times," based on the unification of the PRC with the Italian Communists. The latter, headed by the Stalinist career Cossutta, had separated from Rifondazione ten years ago. In an interview for the German newspaper Junge Welt, Losurdo expressed his concern that "three Trotskyist lists" had been submitted to the elections and had "intercepted votes." For its part, Losurdo is identified in the tradition of Togliatti.
cover left
Some of the groups had worked as a hedge on the left for PRC in recent years have fled the sinking ship before the elections. Two of them, the Communist Workers' Party (PCdL) and the Left Critique, you are presented with their lists of candidates in elections. In total, they received nearly 400 thousand votes or one-third of the votes obtained by the Rainbow Left.
Critical Left is led by members of the United Secretariat, the International Pabloist, whose leader in Italy, Livio Maitan, was a member of the Executive Committee of the PRC for 10 years until his death in 2004, was one of the key advisors Bertinotti. Several members of this tendency were elected on lists of the PRC in 2006 and gave their support to the government Prodi. Only last December, in the light of escalating conflict with the leadership of the PRC, are detached from it to form the Left Critique as an independent.
Like its sister, the French Ligue Communiste Révolutionnairee (LCR), Sinistra Critica aims to establish a party that obstructs the approach of a new generation of Marxism. Refuses to draw conclusions from the collapse of the PRC and its role as a hedge on the left. By doing so, Critical Left is preparing for the next disaster.
In its explanatory memorandum to the constituent conference of Sinistra Critica, Salvatore Reedy spoke indulgently of "a political cycle over, "an experience that ends, as if there was nothing to learn from it. He asserted in all seriousness that Rifondazione had represented the interests of the working class for more than 10 years, ceasing to play an anti-capitalist when he entered the government two years ago. Reedy was elected to the House on a list of the PRC and is a member carrier of the United Secretariat. The
PCdL, established in 2006, is as implausible as Sinistra Critica. Its leader, Marco Ferrando, has gone through a number of organizations, including the United Secretariat for a period, and was a member of the PRC for 15 years before separating from it in 2006. How the Left Criticism, his goal is to fill the political vacuum resulting from the collapse of the PRC in order to prevent the development of a real political alternative.
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